PhD thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology (2019).Īkerlof, G. Islam, Exclusivity, and the State in France. 32 (2020), LSE Middle East Centre, London, UK.ĭekeyser, E.
#OPPOSITE OF ANIMOSITY SERIES#
The Political Economy of Economic Policy in Iraq LSE Middle East Centre Paper Series No. Clientelism: factionalism in the allocation of public resources in Iraq after 2003. State of Repression: Iraq under Saddam Hussein (Princeton Univ. Gendering Islamic religiosity in the second generation: gender differences in religious practices and the association with gender ideology among Moroccan- and Turkish-Belgian Muslims. A research note on Islam and gender egalitarianism: an examination of Egyptian and Saudi Arabian youth attitudes. Iranian women from private sphere to public sphere, with focus on Parliament. Tauris and Institute of Ismaili Studies, 95–122 (2002). Debating Women: Gender and the Public Sphere in Post-Revolutionary Iran in Civil Society in Comparative Muslim Contexts (ed. Violence and the social construction of ethnic identity. Understanding Ethnic Violence: Fear, Hatred, and Resentment in Twentieth-Century Eastern Europe (Cambridge Univ. Millions of Shiites gather in Iraq’s Karbala for Arbaeen, AP News. Is there an Islamist political advantage? Annu. Sectarianism in Iraq: Antagonistic Visions of Unity (Oxford Univ. The security state and the practice and rhetoric of sectarianism in Iraq.
Strange Rebels: 1979 and the Birth of the 21st Century (Marshall Poe, New Books in History, 2013). The New Sectarianism: The Arab Uprisings and the Rebirth of the Shi’a–Sunni Divide (Oxford Univ. Sectarian Gulf: Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, and the Arab Spring That Wasn’t (Stanford Univ. These gendered patterns suggest an understudied mechanism: religiously mediated socialization, or the transmission of non-religious norms through religious practice. Nonetheless, this identity’s religious roots manifest in differences from typical ethno-nationalism practising men are less sectarian, consistent with official doctrine encouraging unity, whereas practising women are more sectarian. In contrast, two alternative accounts are largely unsupported: sectarian animosity is not consistently associated with solidarity with a transnational sect-based community, nor does it seem to stem from disputes over religious doctrine. We find that sectarian animosity is linked to economic deprivation, political disillusionment, lack of out-group contact and a sect-based view of domestic politics-paralleling patterns seen in ethno-nationalism elsewhere. We conducted a large-scale empirical analysis, drawing on an original, geographically representative survey of over 4,000 devout Shiites across Iran and Iraq. Sectarian tensions underlie conflicts across the Middle East, but little is known about their roots and associated beliefs.
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